The Fatal initiatives of seeking Somaliland
International recognition

Bad leadership always catches the Somaliland destiny off its guard, usually whenever there is a lig ht in the tunnel. 1960 was the year when political immaturity and bad leadership threw the people of Somaliland into a grave. Now it is the bloody reign of rule in Somaliland by Siilaanyo.

The astonishment of Somalilanders, both inside and abroad, is itself astonishing. This event was for eseeable and had, in fact, been widely predicted by anxious liberals high in the Somaliland political-structure. So why the surprise?

The answer lies in the fundamental pschology of the poor, easy-going, self-indulgent mentalities of Somaliland people. The message we always hear is: "Peace in Somoliland."

Of course, peace is in itself a paradise, a tree that gives its fruits to all the people, without  distinc tion and discrimination. But peace needs prosperity and progress. It needs power and principles to maintain. The poverty hanging on very Somaliland home might breed the terror of tomorrow. The youth who turn old before they reach their age can take themselves to the streets and cause tro uble any time.

Prosperity also needs peace. Progress requires fortitude, experience, and mettle. Consistency  req uires special creation; reaffirmation needs reorganization, real reformation and republican ideas, a state that invests its resources in its people, in industry and moral authority, where future  gener ation will pay the retirements of the old.

The picture we see today in Somaliland country is far from that stage. The man the people elected to reform and regenerate the system from within has recently done what was so awful to  predict :Sent his foreign minister to participate in Somaliweyn reconciliation conference held at London rec ently. And the shame is that no party invited Somaliland to the conference.

Too many politicians not just Engineer Ina Hashi and Dr Gaboose but hard-bitten individuals like Mu se Bihi took Siilaanyo at his word. They believed him when said he was the indispensable man, that his policies and programs were only the viable working ones, that a reversion to Somaliwyen was unthinkable. As a whole, the Kulmiye party took granted for this analysis despite the fact in Somal iland precisely such a reversion has already begun, over the bleeding corpses of thousands of Som aliland people. The picture before us seems as if the wails of yesterday's civil war in 1987 is no lon ger in one's mind.

Siilaanyo and his administration have based their policies on the assumption that the hate is over, that the wounds have been healed, that the evil of Somaliweyn is gone, and their main problem no w is how to rescue Somaliweyn from disintegration, putting the notion of Somaliland secession - a taboo that cannot be touched - into the dust bin. Siilaanyo seems to be wondering whether Somalil and secession was worth the paper it was written. .

It could be wrong to blame the Kulmiye party. The party looks like a Disneyland, but its leaders  mu st respond to the public mood. Politicians who cry wolf when the danger is not absolutely obvious make themselves hideously unpopular and are soon out of the scene. Where is Kulmiye chairman, the man who always uses to talk as if no one is watching and listening to? Let Kulmiye, the  Disneyl and explain itself. Ucid and UDUB parities have already done their role, explained their ideas.

Let us recall the 1994 Somaliland civil war and what caused it. Let us also remember those who lost their lives, those who were imprisoned just for supporting the idea of Somalia's Federal system and those who were deported from Hargeisa. The recurrence of that, too, is a realistic possibility. Is it another one for which we want, however peripherally, to carry a measure of responsibility?

The reputations of Somaliland politicians and public figures will very much depend on the  shrewdne ss with which they now respond to Siilaanyo's myopic and misleading policies, and the rapidity with which they coordinate realistic steps.

First, the parliament must bring Siilaanyo to the book and probably start impeaching him. Failure to bring him to the book will mean that everyone will make what he wants to do - sinister ways that will foreshadow the much bigger issue in our time.

Second, the parliament must mobilize the people and make them aware of the fact that the idea of Somaliiweyn is a huge risk to us all and Somaliland has a right and duty to take prudent steps to prevent that to happen.

Third, They must make it obvious by actions as wll as words that Somaliland is returning to a state of full alert, and has both the means and the will to use every form of pressure - diplomatic, persu asive and, if need be, force - to keep the prime cause of Somaliland come true.

The Somaliland parliament has been hesitant and divided, and so ineffective. They now have an opp ortunity to devise a united response to Siilaanyo policies. The parliament members have to show th ey can speak with one decisive voice,. But, in realistic terms, that voice has to be in unison to carry out the weight the cause demands.

A heavy responsibility rests on the shoulders of the people. The lumbering, clattering train of Siilaa nyo has come off the rails. Saboteurs have been at works since he took the office. A catastrophe is inevitable unless the people can get the train back on its track soon - preferably within days.

There are plenty of people in Somaliland, including the SNM veterans, members of the army forces and even liberals in the communities willing to help. But much of the push and pressure must come from the public and the need, above all, is for one concerted heave.

Today the joint efforts of politicians and people are needed more than ever to deliver the people from confusion. A step forward is much like the next to come; and a step backward is a hint of fr ee-fall for another failure. Looking ahead is where the future lies. He who thinks ahead gets the first. Home is where we rise and fall as one family.