The Speech by the Somaliland Foreign Minister at the Wilton Park
Conference
Wilton Park Conference, 7-9 February 2011: Somalia: Building
Stability, Accepting Reality
Ministers, Distinguished guests, Ladies & Gentlemen,
Thank you for inviting me as the Foreign Minister of Somaliland to
participate in this international conference in order to share our
experience in piece-making and state-building with you in the search
for piece and security in Somalia. We see the invitation as
recognition of the important role that Somaliland can play in the
regional affairs and as an opportunity to present our national views
to the international community. What our attendance also shows is
the increasing political maturity in Somaliland and our ability to
contribute to the regional stabilization efforts. Achieving
international political recognition remains our goal.
We meet on a bleak anniversary: it is 20 years since Somalia
collapsed into anarchy. Many Somalis have been killed. Huge numbers
have been displaced. Development has gone into reverse. Poverty
figures are off the scale. The international community has spent
enormous effort and large sums of money trying to establish a peace,
but to no avail. Meanwhile this failure is largely ignored in the
media except when its consequences – such as piracy and Al Shabab–
are felt in distant capitals. Surely the Somalis deserve better than
this. Surely there is a better way to achieve peace, promote
legitimate Government and put Somalia on the road to recovery. I
believe that Somaliland’s story can help inform an alternative
policy.
I want to share with you today our experiences particularly, in
conflict-resolution and state-build ing, in hopes of drawing some
lessons about how peace and stability in Somalia could be achieved,
and suggest some ways Somaliland and the international community can
help.
Somaliland’s Peace & State-building Process
Somaliland’s success in resolving its internal conflicts and
establishing a legitimate, functioning State rests on several
factors. First, the end of the struggle resulted in an eventual
victory for the Somali National Movement (SNM) after the overthrow
of Siad Barre in Mogadishu in January 1991. While the SNM enjoyed
widespread support in Somaliland, the war in Somalia ended with no
clear victor. This led to the establishment of a number of competing
armed groups, none of them powerful enough to overcome the others,
resulting in ongoing violence and instability.
Second, the conflict-resolution process inside Somaliland between
the northern clans was a purely indigenous phenomenon where parties
to the conflict were subject to direct pressure from those affected
to reach compromises. For example, several reconciliation
conferences were held inside Somaliland. Many other meetings were
held under trees where the proceedings were visible. But in Somalia,
the attempts to resolve the conflict were launched from outside
Somalia by an interna tional community with very divergent
aims and interests. Attempts to bring the parties together took
place outside the country in luxury hotels, conveying a lack of
urgency and pressure to rea ch an agreement, and robbing those
whose peace was at stake of any leverage over the procee
dings. The resulting message was therefore the reverse – it
incentivized participants to delay re aching agreement and
enjoy for as long as possible the personal advantages conferred by
taking part.
Third, the conflict-resolution approach in Somaliland drew on a
tried and tested tradition of local methods designed to defuse
disputes between neighbouring communities. Clan elders were active
participants in the process. Clans often played a mediating role in
bringing other clans together and intermarriage was used to seal the
bond between rival communities. There was also an impor tant
religious element. Meetings usually began with verses from the Koran
and a reading of the Hadith by the Sheikh. This helped to set the
tone of the negotiations and remind the participants of their
religious duties. However, in the case of Somalia, the
conflict-resolution approach was essentially a Western model which
paid insufficient attention to the African cultural context,
ther e by neglecting these means so critical to mutual understanding
and success.
Turning more to State-building, we can see a similar dichotomy
between successful local efforts and failed international ones.
Somaliland’s democratic processes and institutions clearly show a
commitment to maintaining a legitimate form of Government
accountable to the people through the ballot box and other feedback
mechanisms integral to a stable, law-abiding and transparent
government. Having established peace in Somaliland, democratization
process followed. First politi cal parties were formed and
local elections followed. Presidential elections took place in 2003
and 2010 and then first Parliamentary elections for 35 years were
held in Somaliland in 2005. Last we ek I myself appeared
before the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Lower House – at their
request – to discuss our foreign policy and with particularly focus
on the Horn of Africa. Such accountability exists in Somaliland.
In contrast, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in Somalia
was launched from outside and lacks any real legitimacy because the
members of its parliament have not been elected by the communities
they purport to serve. Indeed, many parliamentarians never attend
its debates. Of course, the security situation is a major obstacle
to the normal functioning of the Government. It is all part of the
vicious circle which lies at the heart of Somalia’s problems. The
failure to establish a legitimate, functioning Government prolongs
the instability, which in turn prevents development and intensifies
the poverty on which extremism feeds.
In Somaliland, the success of our conflict-resolution and
state-building efforts has been carefully documented by an
independent organization, the Academy for Peace and Development,
which is currently led by Mohamed Saeed Mohamed. The Academy should
be the first port of call for anyone wishing to understand the
indigenous approach to resolving these problems. I know they would
be delighted to share their wisdom and to assist with making
connections.
How can a State be reconstructed in Somalia?
Understanding these differences and key elements of success, we
respectfully suggest some les sons be drawn in formulating a
radically new approach to the question of governance in Somalia, and
one which tackles the root causes of the its problems: the failure
to use traditional conflict resolution mechanisms at the local
level, the lack of a legitimate and functioning government, and
appalling levels of poverty. For example, around 45% of the
population is believed to live below the poverty line; 1 in 6
children are acutely malnourished; and there are 2 million in need
of emer gency humanitarian assistance despite two successive
good rainy seasons.
In our view the approach should be as follows: There should be a
sustained effort by political actors inside the country and by the
international community to encourage the people of Somalia to adopt
a grass roots conflict resolution approach within Somalia. This
approach should draw on traditional African conflict resolution
methods and upon Islam. Once areas of peace have been established
there can then be an attempt to create democratic institutions at
the local level. This in turn will facilitate development and help
reduce poverty.
In parallel, the international community needs to find ways to
incentivize local communities to reach agreement together, rather
than giving their representatives reasons to procrastinate and other
excuses for ongoing conflict. It also needs to abandon its
short-term vision and adopt a more realistic timeframe. The attitude
of the international community is driven all too often by divergent
interests and fixated on seeing Somalia first and foremost as a
security problem. This leads to an emphasis on treating symptoms –
for example piracy – rather than on solving the underlying problems.
The approach should recognize the reality that Somaliland does not
see itself as part of Somalia. We withdrew from the voluntary union
we went into in 1960. While the international community has not yet
politically recognized Somaliland, we are increasingly accepted as
credible partner for the international community in many areas. We
are not interested in reunion with Somalia. Somaliland is a
democratic, independent state that has achieved a lot for its people
since 1991 and contributed a lot to the regional and international
community and seeks for international recognition.
We acknowledge that a shift in approach in Somalia will require a
change in established attitudes, as well as greater creativity.
Failure to do so would not only prolong Somalia’s present agony but
actually increase the threat of extremism and terrorism that the
Transitional Federal Government is supposed to combat.
To sum up, the new strategy in Somalia should move to one of
bottom-up conflict resolution and state-building. This would see the
country address head on the underlying fractures and do away with
the short-term, band-aid approach which has characterized the
international community’s efforts in the past.
How the Somaliland Diaspora helped
The Somaliland Diaspora has played a critical role in supporting
State-building and Somali Diaspora could do the same for Somalia.
There are at least three ways in which they can help:
The first is to continue supporting the economy by means of the
remittances to their families. In the case of Somaliland, these
funds have been a critical source of investment, without which the
country would be in much worse shape.
Second, when stability returns, the Diaspora could invest in
enterprises which create jobs and so take the unemployed off the
streets, helping to consolidate peace and stability and generate
economic growth.
Third, the Diaspora is a considerable repository of technical
know-how which could be harnessed to the benefit of Somalia. In
other words, pursue a strategy of ‘brain gain’. For example, the
International Organization for Migration has an interesting
programme which involves bringing skilled Somalis back to the
country for limited periods of time in order to help share their
knowledge and skills.
Other ways Somaliland can play a positive role
In addition to sharing lessons, Somaliland can help to create
economic opportunities and promote regional security. First, Thanks
to our strategic location, my country offers opportunities for imp
roving the transport infrastructure of the region, in particular
better transport links between Et hiopia and the open sea, as
well as links into the North-South road corridor in Africa, via the
Berb era Corridor. The EU has of course agreed to fund a study about
how to develop the Berbera Cor ridor and improvements are being made
to the port itself.
Second, every country in the region has a role to play in promoting
security. Somaliland is obliged to spend large sums to defend itself
against the threat of terrorism. We cooperate willingly with our
neighbours and the wider international community – in exchanging
information about poten tial threats. We also enforce the UN
arms embargo against Somalia. Meanwhile, we prosecute any
Somalilanders guilty of piracy. We also deny bases to pirates in our
country and, in practice; our waters are largely free from pirate
attacks. Of course we receive international assistance in the
security sector. Given more resources we could do more to help.
Supporting Somaliland
I would like to use this opportunity to say a bit more about the
achievements to date of our new government, and how the
international community could support Somaliland. Since it came to
po wer in July 2010, the current government has strived to
significantly enhance the prospects and opportunities for
Somalilanders, and to fulfill the expectations of the electorate.
Its achievements so far include:
Increasing revenue collection from $40 million to $70 million;
Paying civil servants and soldiers a living wage while cutting down
on surplus numbers;
Making primary education free, and thereby removing the perverse
incentive for excessively large classes which have been diluting the
quality of the teaching;
Drafting new laws on the Budget, Public Finances & Accountability,
Procurement and Customs;
Building new roads.
Establishing renewed positive relations with in the international
communities.
In the latest Government budget, the allocations for education have
increased by 145%, health by 80% and agriculture by 50%. The
Government also plans to spend $2 million a year over the next five
years building dams to help conserve precious water in our largely
arid country.
Of course, it is still early days and there is still much work to
do. We look to the international community to assist. To be more
specific:
We need more development assistance and we see our priorities as
being health, education, governance, water and security. While we
very much appreciate the humanitarian assistance which the
international community has provided over the years, it does not
promote the long-term growth that we need to lift more of our people
out of poverty. Nor does it make the economy more resilient in the
face of worsening drought conditions or other unforeseen
developments which are beyond our control. Development assistance in
these priority areas will allow us to make investments and
improvements in the places most at need that will best serve
sustainable growth and stability. We are happy that some major donor
countries are directly supporting our government.
Another area is Foreign Direct Investment. Somaliland wishes to
prioritize labour-intensive industries which would add value to
Somaliland’s raw materials, such as hides and skins or fish. But for
this we need an Investment Promotion Agency which could help market
the opportunities both to individuals in the Diaspora interested in
purely financial investments and to companies which might be
interested in locating business activities in our country. We have
in mind a small agency staffed by Somalilanders with business
backgrounds and strong commercial networks in the Diaspora. It would
proactively market the opportunities, support Government Ministers
on their overseas visits and use a variety of marketing tools. The
World Bank and UNCTAD are potential sources of technical advice, but
such an operation needs funding, including suitable offices and
equipment.
We also need help in diversifying our exports. Over 90% of
Somaliland’s exports consist of livestock which is exported to Saudi
Arabia, the UAE and other Gulf countries. These exports are highly
vulnerable to interruptions, such as embargos on the import of
livestock from the Rift Valley, which Saudi Arabia has imposed
periodically. We need help to address cattle health issues, gain
access to EU veterinary certificates for meat exports and
negotiating entry points to the EU market.
By helping to consolidate Somaliland economically, the international
community will help to reinforce our role as a cooperative partner
in tackling extremism and terrorism. It would also help to build
strong example for how peace and stability could be achieved in
Somalia.
Conclusion
I believe that the ideas I have outlined today would help create a
greater stability in Somalia facilitates legitimate Government and
economic growth, and so helps lift more people out of poverty, while
also reducing the tendencies towards insecurity.
But after 20 years of failed experiments, such a strategy depends on
people being realistic, abandoning the current approach to Somalia’s
problems and moving towards a bottom-up strategy based on conflict
resolution at the local level. At the same time, Somaliland should
be supported and strengthened as bulwark against extremism and, more
positively, as exemplars of what can be achieved in the same
cultural context. Accepting realities, which is the sub-title of
this conference, sums it up perfectly.
I stand ready to discuss these issues in detail, and in particular
to share Somaliland’s own experience of resolving conflict at the
local level and building democracy from the bottom up. Meanwhile,
Somaliland will continue to support regional and international
efforts to eliminate the scourges of terrorism, extremism and piracy
from our region.
Thank you.
Dr. Mohamed A Omar
Foreign Minister, Republic of Somaliland
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